Before Citizens United, before the Bipartisan
Campaign Reform Act, even before Terry McAuliffe was shepherding Democrat
donors into the Lincoln
Bedroom for sleepovers, there was Leona Helmsley. The brusque
New York City hotel maven thrust herself into the spotlight reigning over the 1980s
go-go Manhattan real-estate scene. Tagged the ‘Queen of Mean,’ she finally met her downfall on a tax evasion rap.
At her trial, one of her servants famously quoted her saying “We don’t pay
taxes. Only the little people pay taxes.”
Over two
decades later, law professor and campaign finance reformer Larry
Lessig has added political advertising disclaimers to the list of legal obligations
elites reserve for commoners.
According to
a complaint
filed by the Center for Competitive
Politics, Lessig’s
Mayday PAC repeatedly flaunted federal disclosure laws on its broadcast and
mailing advertisements.
Mayday PAC’s noncompliance
doesn’t appear to be accidental. Reformer elites litter its board including progressive darling Zephyr
Teachout, who recently ran for New York governor on a good-government
platform. Moreover, the complaint states Mayday PAC switched back and forth
between compliant and noncompliant disclaimers suggesting expediency rather
than ignorance.
CCP estimates
Mayday PAC corralled as much as 10% more air time for substantive content by
using noncompliant disclaimers on radio advertisements, saving the group at
least $26,500. The rogue disclaimers may have also confused the public about
the source of Mayday PACs ads or its possible authorization by the candidates
the PAC supported.
<This
devil-may-care attitude toward federal disclosure law is even more dispiriting
given both Lessig’s and Teachout’s prominent positions with the transparency
organization, The Sunlight Foundation. Lessig serves on its Advisory Board and Teachout
is a former National
Director. The group states,
“Our overarching goal is to achieve changes in the law to require real-time,
online transparency for all government information, with a special focus on the
political money flow and who tries to influence government and how government
responds.” One obvious way to cloud transparency in political advertising is to
flout FEC regulations by obfuscating disclaimer requirements.
Of course, another
possibility also exists. Lessig may now be a reluctant apostate to the transparency
cause—channeling less Leona Helmsley than Barak Obama. On numerous issues—e.g. Guantanamo,
recess
appointments, debt ceiling—candidate Obama found fault with his
predecessor. But once in office and faced with the realities of governing, President
Obama continued policies he had once pilloried. Lessig, in his role this cycle
as political
operative, was privy to a different world than his previous forays as academic
theorist and Senate Committee pontificator.
One lesson
Lessig admitted learning when he finally
returned to public view after his midterm shellacking was ‘transparency has
its costs.’ He complained one incumbent Mayday PAC tried to unseat pressured
some of its donors.
Untoward political
pressure on donors is apparently a new experience for Lessig’s patrons. But
anyone following Harry
Reid’s six-month
tirade against wealthy conservative
donors, or the pre-FEC exploits of disclosure doyenne Ann
Ravel knows how operatives exploit disclosure laws. Last spring, for
example, technology executive Brendan
Eich was bullied out of his job after activists garishly bandied a six-year
old donation he had made to an unpopular cause.
If Lessig has
learned a hard lesson in political reality and is no longer a doctrinaire
reformer, he should be welcomed to the side of freedom. But with freedom comes
responsibility. This includes acknowledging the rules apply equally to
everyone, not just the little people.
By Paul Jossey
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